Marriage and the Public Good:
Ten Principles
Princeton, New Jersey
May, 2006
Contents
Executive
Summary
I. The Challenge to Marriage
and Family Today
II. Ten Principles of
Marriage and Family in Society
III. Evidence from the
Social and Biological Sciences
IV. Analysis from Political
and Moral Philosophy: The Intrinsic Goods of Marriage
V. American Exceptionalism
& the Way Forward
a.
Signatories
b.
References
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
In recent years, marriage has weakened,
with serious negative consequences for society as a whole. Four developments
are especially troubling: divorce, illegitimacy, cohabitation, and same-sex
marriage.
The purpose of this document is to make
a substantial new contribution to the public debate over marriage. Too often,
the rational case for marriage is not made at all or not made very well. As
scholars, we are persuaded that the case for marriage can be made and won at
the level of reason. Marriage protects children, men and women, and the common
good. The health of marriage is particularly important in a free society, which
depends upon citizens to govern their private lives and rear their children
responsibly, so as to limit the scope, size, and power of the state. The
nation's retreat from marriage has been particularly consequential for our
society's most vulnerable communities: minorities and the poor pay a
disproportionately heavy price when marriage declines in their communities.
Marriage also offers men and women as spouses a good they can have in no other
way: a mutual and complete giving of the self. Thus, marriage understood as the
enduring union of husband and wife is both a good in itself and also advances
the public interest.
We affirm the following ten principles
that summarize the value of marriage- a choice that most people want to make,
and that society should endorse and support.
1.
Marriage
is a personal union, intended for the whole of life, of husband and wife.
2.
Marriage
is a profound human good, elevating and perfecting our social and sexual
nature.
3.
Ordinarily,
both men and women who marry are better off as a result.
4.
Marriage
protects and promotes the wellbeing of children.
5.
Marriage
sustains civil society and promotes the common good.
6.
Marriage
is a wealth-creating institution, increasing human and social capital.
7.
When
marriage weakens, the equality gap widens, as children suffer from the
disadvantages of growing up in homes without committed mothers and fathers.
8.
A
functioning marriage culture serves to protect political liberty and foster
limited government.
9.
The
laws that govern marriage matter significantly.
10.
"Civil
marriage" and "religious marriage" cannot be rigidly or
completely divorced from one another.
This understanding of marriage is not
narrowly religious, but the cross-cultural fruit of broad human experience and
reflection, and supported by considerable social science evidence. But a
marriage culture cannot flourish in a society whose primary
institutions-universities, courts, legislatures, religions-not only fail to
defend marriage but actually undermine it both conceptually and in practice.
Creating a marriage culture is not the
job for government. Families, religious communities, and civic
institutions-along with intellectual, moral, religious, and artistic
leaders-point the way. But law and public policy will either reinforce and
support these goals or undermine them. We call upon our nation's leaders,
and our fellow citizens, to support public policies that strengthen marriage as
a social institution including:
1.
Protect
the public understanding of marriage as the union of one man with one woman as
husband and wife.
2.
Investigate
divorce law reforms.
3.
End
marriage penalties for low-income Americans.
4.
Protect
and expand pro-child and pro-family provisions in our tax code.
5.
Protect
the interests of children from the fertility industry.
Families, religious
communities, community organizations, and public policymakers must work
together towards a great goal: strengthening marriage so that each year more
children are raised by their own mother and father in loving, lasting marital
unions. The future of the American experiment depends on it. And our children
deserve nothing less.
Prev: Contents
Next: Section I
Marriage - considered as a legally
sanctioned union of one man and one woman - plays a vital role in preserving
the common good and promoting the welfare of children. In virtually every known
human society, the institution of marriage provides order and meaning to adult
sexual relationships and, more fundamentally, furnishes the ideal context for
the bearing and rearing of the young. The health of marriage is particularly
important in a free society such as our own, which depends upon citizens to
govern their private lives and rear their children responsibly, so as to limit
the scope, size, and power of the state. Marriage is also an important source
of social, human, and financial capital for children, especially for children
growing up in poor, disadvantaged communities who do not have ready access to
other sources of such capital. Thus, from the point of view of spouses,
children, society, and the polity, marriage advances the public interest.
But in the last forty years, marriage and
family have come under increasing pressure from the modern state, the modern
economy, and modern culture. Family law in all fifty states and most countries
in the Western world has facilitated unilateral divorce, so that marriages can
be easily and effectively terminated at the will of either party. Changing
sexual mores have made illegitimacy and cohabitation a central feature of our
social landscape. The products of Madison Avenue and Hollywood often appear
indifferent to, if not hostile towards, the norms that sustain decent family
life. New medical technology has made it easier for single mothers and same-sex
couples to have children not only outside of marriage, but even without sexual
intercourse. Taken together, marriage is losing its preeminent status as the
social institution that directs and organizes reproduction, childrearing, and
adult life.1
The nation's retreat from marriage has been
particularly consequential for our society's most vulnerable communities.
Out-of-wedlock birth, divorce, and single motherhood are much more common among
lower-income African Americans and, to a lesser extent, Hispanic Americans, in
large part because they often do not have as many material, social, and
personal resources to resist the deinstitutionalization of marriage. The latest
social scientific research on marriage indicates that minorities and the poor
pay a disproportionately heavy price when marriage declines in their
communities, meaning that the breakdown of the family only compounds the
suffering of those citizens who already suffer the most.2
The response to this crisis by activist
defenders of marriage, while often successful at the ballot box in the United
States, has had limited influence on the culture, and in many cases those who
deliberately seek to redefine the meaning of marriage or downplay its special
significance have argued more effectively. Too often, the rational case for
marriage is not made at all or not made very well. Appeals to tradition are
rarely decisive in themselves in the American context today, especially among
those who believe that individuals should choose their own values rather than
heed the wisdom and ways of past generations. Religious appeals, though
important in the lives of many individuals and families, have limited reach in
a society that limits the role of religious institutions in public life.
Appeals to people's feelings or intuitions, however strong, are easily
dismissed as appeals to prejudice, unjustly valuing some "lifestyles"
over others. And in a society whose moral self-understanding has been formed by
the struggle to overcome racial prejudice and promote equal rights, such
appeals not only fail to persuade but seem to indicate bad faith.
In this context, we think there is a
pressing need for scholarly discussion of the ideal of marriage, defended with
reasons that are comprehensible in public debate and that draw upon the full
range of social scientific evidence and humanistic reflection. At issue is not
only the value of marriage itself, but the reasons why the public has a deep
interest in a socially supported normative understanding of marriage. Marriage
is under attack conceptually, in university communities and other
intellectual centers of influence. To defend marriage will require confronting
these attacks, assessing their arguments, and correcting them where necessary.
We are persuaded that the case for marriage can be made and won at the level of
reason. The principles outlined below and the evidence and arguments offered on
their behalf are meant to make that case.
We are aware, of course, that the debate
over the normative status of marriage in our society necessarily acquires an
emotional edge. No one is untouched by the issue in his or her personal life,
and we can readily agree with the critics of marriage that questions of sexual
identity, gender equity, and personal happiness are at stake. In arguing for
the normative status of marriage, we do not suppose that all people ought to be
married or that marriage and family are the only source of good in people's
lives. Nor do we wish to deny or downgrade society's obligation to care about
the welfare of all children, regardless of their parents' family form.Still, we
think that, particularly as university teachers and on behalf of our students,
we need to make this statement, since marriage is above all a choice for the
young: they need arguments to counterbalance the dominant arguments now
attacking marriage as unjust and undesirable, and they need to know what
marriage is in order to sustain their own marriages and raise their own children.
Just as it did in earlier cultures, the marital family provides the basis for a
settled pattern of reproduction and education that a large, modern, democratic
society still surely needs. Our principles mean to summarize the value of
married life and the life of families that is built upon marriage - a choice
that most people want to make, and that society should endorse and support.
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Section III
1. Marriage is a personal union, intended for the
whole of life, of husband and wife.
Marriage differs from other valued personal
relationships in conveying a full union of husband and wife- including a
sexual, emotional, financial, legal, spiritual, and parental union. Marriage is
not the ratification of an existing relation; it is the beginning of a new
relationship between a man and woman, who pledge their sexual fidelity to one
another, promise loving mutual care and support, and form a family that
welcomes and nurtures the children that may spring from their union. This
understanding of marriage has predominated in Europe and America for most of
the past two thousand years. It springs from the biological, psychological, and
social complementarity of the male and female sexes: Women typically bring to
marriage important gifts and perspectives that men typically do not bring, just
as men bring their own special gifts and perspectives that women typically
cannot provide in the same way. This covenant of mutual dependence and
obligation, solemnized by a legal oath, is strengthened by the pledge of
permanence that husband and wife offer to one another-always to remain, never
to flee, even and especially in the most difficult times.
2. Marriage is a profound human good, elevating
and perfecting our social and sexual nature.
Human beings are social animals, and the
social institution of marriage is a profound human good. It is a matrix of
human relationships rooted in the spouses' sexual complementarity and
procreative possibilities and in children's need for sustained parental
nurturance and support. It creates clear ties of begetting and belonging, ties
of identity, kinship, and mutual interdependence and responsibility. These
bonds of fidelity serve a crucial public purpose, and so it is necessary and
proper for the state to recognize and encourage marriage in both law and public
policy. Indeed, it is not surprising that marriage is publicly sanctioned and
promoted in virtually every known society and often solemnized by religious and
cultural rituals. Modern biological and social science only confirm the
benefits of marriage as a human good consistent with our given nature as sexual
and social beings.
3. Ordinarily, both men and women who marry are
better off as a result.
Married men gain moral and personal
discipline, a stable domestic life, and the opportunity to participate in the
upbringing of their children. Married women gain stability and protection,
acknowledgment of the paternity of their children, and shared responsibility
and emotional support in the raising of their young. Together, both spouses
gain from a normative commitment to the institution of marriage
itself-including the benefits that come from faithfully fulfilling one's chosen
duties as mother or father, husband or wife. Couples who share a moral
commitment to marital permanency and fidelity tend to have better marriages.
The marital ethic enjoining permanence, mutual fidelity, and care, as well as
forbidding violence or sexual abuse, arises out of the core imperative of our
marriage tradition: that men and women who marry pledge to love one another,
"in sickness and in health" and "for better or for worse,"
ordinarily "until death do us part."
4. Marriage protects and promotes the well-being
of children.
The family environment provided by marriage
allows children to grow, mature, and flourish. It is a seedbed of sociability
and virtue for the young, who learn from both their parents and their siblings.
Specifically, the married family satisfies children's need to know their
biological origins, connects them to both a mother and father, establishes a
framework of love for nurturing the young, oversees their education and
personal development, and anchors their identity as they learn to move about
the larger world. These are not merely desirable goods, but what we owe to
children as vulnerable beings filled with potential. Whenever humanly
possible, children have a natural human right to know their mother and father,
and mothers and fathers have a solemn obligation to love their children
unconditionally.
5. Marriage sustains civil society and promotes
the common good.
Civil society also benefits from a stable
marital order. Families are themselves small societies, and the web of trust
they establish across generations and between the spouses' original families
are a key constituent of society as a whole. The network of relatives and
in-laws that marriage creates and sustains is a key ingredient of the
"social capital" that facilitates many kinds of beneficial civic
associations and private groups. The virtues acquired within the
family-generosity, self-sacrifice, trust, self-discipline-are crucial in every
domain of social life. Children who grow up in broken families often fail to
acquire these elemental habits of character. When marital breakdown or the
failure to form marriages becomes widespread, society is harmed by a host of
social pathologies, including increased poverty, mental illness, crime, illegal
drug use, clinical depression, and suicide.
6. Marriage is a wealth-creating institution,
increasing human and social capital.
The modern economy and modern democratic
state depend on families to produce the next generation of productive workers
and taxpayers. This ongoing renewal of human capital is a crucial ingredient in
the national economy, one that is now in grave peril in those societies with
rapidly aging populations and below-replacement fertility rates. It is within
families that young people develop stable patterns of work and self-reliance at
the direction of their parents, and this training in turn provides the basis
for developing useful skills and gaining a profession. More deeply, marriage
realigns personal interests beyond the good of the present self, and thus
reduces the tendency of individuals and groups to make rash or imprudent
decisions that squander the inheritance of future generations. Families also
provide networks of trust and capital that serve as the foundation for
countless entrepreneurial small-business enterprises (as well as some large
corporations), which are crucial to the vitality of the nation's economy. In
addition, devoted spouses and grown children assist in caring for the sick and
elderly, and maintain the solvency of pension and social-insurance programs by
providing unremunerated care for their loved ones, paying taxes, and producing
the children who will form future generations of tax-paying workers. Without
flourishing families, in other words, the long-term health of the modern
economy would be imperiled.
7. When marriage weakens, the equality gap widens,
as children suffer from the disadvantages of growing up in homes without
committed mothers and fathers.
Children whose parents fail to get and stay
married are at increased risk of poverty, dependency, substance abuse,
educational failure, juvenile delinquency, early unwed pregnancy, and a host of
other destructive behaviors. When whole families and neighborhoods become
dominated by fatherless homes, these risks increase even further. The breakdown
of marriage has hit the African-American community especially hard, and thus
threatens the cherished American ideal of equality of opportunity by depriving
adults and especially children of the social capital they need to flourish.
Precisely because we seek to eliminate social disadvantages based on race and
class, we view the cultural, economic, and other barriers to strengthening
marriage in poor neighborhoods - especially among those racial minorities with
disproportionately high rates of family breakdown - as a serious problem to be solved
with persistence, generosity, and ingenuity.
8. A functioning marriage culture serves to
protect political liberty and foster limited government.
Strong, intact families stabilize the state
and decrease the need for costly and intrusive bureaucratic social agencies.
Families provide for their vulnerable members, produce new citizens with
virtues such as loyalty and generosity, and engender concern for the common
good. When families break down, crime and social disorder soar; the state must
expand to reassert social control with intrusive policing, a sprawling prison
system, coercive child-support enforcement, and court-directed family life.3
Without stable families, personal liberty is thus imperiled, as the state tries
to fulfill through coercion those functions that families, at their best,
fulfill through covenantal devotion.
9. The laws that govern marriage matter
significantly.
Law and culture exhibit a dynamic
relationship: changes in one ultimately yield changes in the other, and
together law and culture structure the choices that individuals see as
available, acceptable, and choiceworthy. Given the clear benefits of marriage,
we believe that the state should not remain politically neutral, either in
procedure or outcome, between marriage and various alternative family
structures. Some have sought to redefine civil marriage as a private contract
between two individuals regardless of sex, others as a binding union of any
number of individuals, and still others as any kind of contractual arrangement
for any length of time that is agreeable to any number of consenting adult
parties. But in doing so a state would necessarily undermine the social norm
which encourages marriage as historically understood - i.e., the sexually
faithful union, intended for life, between one man and one woman, open to the
begetting and rearing of children. The public goods uniquely provided by
marriage are recognizable by reasonable persons, regardless of religious or
secular worldview, and thus provide compelling reasons for reinforcing the
existing marriage norm in law and public policy.
10. "Civil marriage" and "religious
marriage" cannot be rigidly or completely divorced from one another.
Americans have always recognized the right
of any person, religious or non-religious, to marry. While the ceremonial form
of religious and secular marriages often differs, the meaning of such marriages
within the social order has always been similar, which is why the state honors
those marriages duly performed by religious authorities. Moreover, current
social science evidence on religion and marital success affirms the wisdom of
the American tradition, which has always recognized and acknowledged the
positive role that religion plays in creating and sustaining marriage as a
social institution.
The majority of Americans marry in religious institutions, and for many of
these people a religious dimension suffuses the whole of family life and
solemnizes the marriage vow. It is thus important to recognize the crucial role
played by religious institutions in lending critical support for a sustainable
marriage culture, on which the whole society depends. And it is important to
preserve some shared idea of what marriage is that transcends the differences
between religious and secular marriages and between marriages within our
nation's many diverse religious traditions.
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In the last forty years, society has
conducted a vast family experiment, and the outcomes are increasingly coming to
light via scientific investigations. While no single study is definitive, and
there is room at the edges for debate about particular consequences of
marriage, the clear preponderance of the evidence shows that intact, married
families are superior-for adults and especially for children-to alternative family
arrangements. A great deal of research now exists from the anthropological,
sociological, psychological, and economic sciences demonstrating the empirical
benefits of marriage.
In virtually every known human society, the
institution of marriage has served and continues to serve three important
public purposes. First, marriage is the institution through which societies
seek to organize the bearing and rearing of children; it is particularly
important in ensuring that children have the love and support of their father.
Second, marriage provides direction, order, and stability to adult sexual
unions and to their economic, social, and biological consequences. Third,
marriage civilizes men, furnishing them with a sense of purpose, norms, and
social status that orient their lives away from vice and toward virtue.
Marriage achieves its myriad purposes through both social and biological means
that are not easily replicated by the various alternatives to marriage. When
marriage is strong, children and adults both tend to flourish; when marriage
breaks down, every element of society suffers.
The Well-being of Children
The evidence linking the health of marriage
to the welfare of children is clear. During the last two decades, a large body
of social scientific research has emerged indicating that children do best when
reared by their mothers and fathers in a married, intact family. A recent
report by Child Trends, a nonpartisan research organization, summarized the new
scholarly consensus on marriage this way: "[R]esearch clearly demonstrates
that family structure matters for children, and the family structure that helps
children the most is a family headed by two biological parents in a
low-conflict marriage."6
Other recent reviews of the literature on marriage and the well-being of
children, conducted by the Brookings Institution, the Woodrow Wilson School of
Public and International Affairs at Princeton University, the Center for Law
and Social Policy, and the Institute for American Values, have all come to
similar conclusions.7
Marriage matters for children in myriad
ways. We focus here on the educational, psychological, sexual, and behavioral
consequences for children of family structure, beginning with education.
Children reared in intact, married homes are significantly more likely to be
involved in literacy activities (such as being read to by adults or learning to
recognize letters) as preschool children, and to score higher in reading
comprehension as fourth graders.
School-aged children are approximately 30 percent less likely to cut class, be
tardy, or miss school altogether.9
The cumulative effect of family structure on children's educational performance
is most evident in high school graduation rates. Children reared in intact,
married households are about twice as likely to graduate from high school,
compared to children reared in single-parent or step-families. One study found
that 37 percent of children born outside of marriage and 31 percent of children
with divorced parents dropped out of high school, compared to 13 percent of
children from intact families headed by a married mother and father.10
Marriage also plays a central role in
fostering the emotional health of children. Children from stable, married
families are significantly less likely to suffer from depression, anxiety,
alcohol and drug abuse, and thoughts of suicide compared to children from
divorced homes.11
One recent study of the entire population of Swedish children found that
Swedish boys and girls in two-parent homes were about 50 percent less likely to
suffer from suicide attempts, alcohol and drug abuse, and serious psychiatric
illnesses compared to children reared in single-parent homes.12
A survey of the American literature on child well-being found that family
structure was more consequential than poverty in predicting children's
psychological and behavioral outcomes.13
In general, children who are reared by their own married mothers and fathers
are much more likely to confront the world with a sense of hope, self-confidence,
and self-control than children raised without an intact, married family.
Marriage is also important in connecting
children to their biological fathers and grounding their familial identities.
Research by Yale psychiatrist Kyle Pruett suggests that children conceived by
artificial reproductive technologies (ART) and reared without fathers have an
unmet "hunger for an abiding paternal presence"; his research
parallels findings from the literature on divorce and single-parenthood.14
Pruett's work also suggests that children conceived by ART without known
fathers have deep and disturbing questions about their biological and familial
origins. These children do not know their fathers or their paternal kin, and
they dislike living in a kind of biological and paternal limbo.15
By contrast, children who are reared by their married biological parents are
more likely to have a secure sense of their own biological origins and familial
identity.
Family structure, particularly the presence
of a biological father, also plays a key role in influencing the sexual
development, activity, and welfare of young girls. Teenage girls who grow up
with a single mother or a stepfather are significantly more likely to
experience early menstruation and sexual development, compared to girls reared
in homes headed by a married mother and father.16
Partly as a consequence, girls reared in single-parent or step-families are
much more likely to experience a teenage pregnancy and to have a child outside
of wedlock than girls who are reared in an intact, married family.17
One study found that only 5 percent of girls who grew up in an intact family
got pregnant as teenagers, compared to 10 percent of girls whose fathers left
after they turned six, and 35 percent of girls whose fathers left when they
were preschoolers.18
Research also suggests that girls are significantly more likely to be sexually
abused if they are living outside of an intact, married home-in large part
because girls have more contact with unrelated males if their mothers are
unmarried, cohabiting, or residing in a stepfamily.19
Boys also benefit in unique ways from being
reared within stable, married families. Research consistently finds that boys
raised by their own fathers and mothers in an intact, married family are less
likely to get in trouble than boys raised in other family situations. Boys
raised outside of an intact family are more likely to have problems with
aggression, attention deficit disorder, delinquency, and school suspensions,
compared to boys raised in intact married families.20
Some studies suggest that the negative behavioral consequences of marital
breakdown are even more significant for boys than for girls. One study found
that boys reared in single-parent and step-families were more than twice as
likely to end up in prison, compared to boys reared in an intact family.21
Clearly, stable marriage and paternal role models are crucial for keeping boys
from self-destructive and socially destructive behavior.
Virtually all of the studies cited here
control for socioeconomic, demographic, and even genetic factors that might
otherwise distort the relationship between family structure and child
well-being. So, for instance, the link between family breakdown and crime is
not an artifact of poverty among single parents.22
Moreover, the newest work on divorce follows adult twins and their children to
separate out the unique effects of divorce itself from the potential role that
genetic (and socioeconomic) factors might play in influencing children's
outcomes. This research indicates that divorce has negative consequences for
children's psychological and social welfare even after controlling for the
genetic vulnerabilities of the parents who divorced.23
Why, then, does the evidence link marriage
to an impressive array of positive outcomes for children? Both social and
biological mechanisms seem to account for the value of an intact marriage in
children's lives. From a sociological perspective, marriage allows families to
benefit from shared labor within the household, income streams from two
parents, and the economic resources of two sets of kin.24
A married mom and dad typically invest more time, affection, and oversight into
parenting than does a single parent; as importantly, they tend to monitor and
improve the parenting of one another, augmenting one another's strengths,
balancing one another's weaknesses, and reducing the risk that a child will be
abused or neglected by an exhausted or angry parent.25
The trust and commitment associated with marriage also give a man and a woman a
sense that they have a future together, as well as a future with their
children. This horizon of commitment, in turn, motivates them to invest
practically, emotionally, and financially at higher levels in their children
than cohabiting or single parents.26
Marriage is particularly important in
binding fathers to their children. For men, marriage and fatherhood are a
package deal. Because the father's role is more discretionary in our society
(and every known human society) than the mother's role, it depends more on the
normative expectations of and social supports provided to fathers by marriage.
Marriage positions men to receive the regular encouragement, direction, and
advice of the mother of his children, and encourages them to pay attention to
that input.27
Not surprisingly, cohabiting fathers are less practically and emotionally
invested in their children than are married fathers.28
Nonresidential fathers see their children much less often than do married,
residential fathers, and their involvement is not consistently related to
positive outcomes for children.29
By contrast, married fathers can exercise an abiding, important, and positive
influence on their children, and are especially likely to do so in a happy
marriage.30
Biology also matters. Studies suggest that
men and women bring different strengths to the parenting enterprise, and that
the biological relatedness of parents to their children has important
consequences for the young, especially girls. Although there is a good deal of
overlap in the talents that mothers and fathers bring to parenting, the
evidence also suggests that there are crucial sex differences in parenting.
Mothers are more sensitive to the cries, words, and gestures of infants, toddlers,
and adolescents, and, partly as a consequence, they are better at providing
physical and emotional nurture to their children.31
These special capacities of mothers seem to have deep biological underpinnings:
during pregnancy and breastfeeding women experience high levels of the hormone
peptide oxytocin, which fosters affiliative behaviors.32
Fathers excel when it comes to providing
discipline, ensuring safety, and challenging their children to embrace life's
opportunities and confront life's difficulties. The greater physical size and
strength of most fathers, along with the pitch and inflection of their voice
and the directive character of their speaking, give them an advantage when it
comes to discipline, an advantage that is particularly evident with boys, who
are more likely to comply with their fathers' than their mothers' discipline.33
Likewise, fathers are more likely than mothers to encourage their children to
tackle difficult tasks, endure hardship without yielding, and seek out novel
experiences.34
These paternal strengths also have deep biological underpinnings: Fathers
typically have higher levels of testosterone-a hormone associated with
dominance and assertiveness-than do mothers.35
Although the link between nature, nurture, and sex-specific parenting talents
is undoubtedly complex, one cannot ignore the overwhelming evidence of sex
differences in parenting-differences that marriage builds on to the advantage
of children.
The biological relationship between parents
and children also matters to the young. Studies suggest that biological parents
invest more money and time in their offspring than do stepparents.36
New research by University of Arizona psychologist Bruce Ellis also suggests
that the physical presence of a biological father is important for the sexual
development of girls. Specifically, he thinks that one reason that girls who
live apart from their biological father develop sexually at an earlier age than
girls who live with their biological father is that they are more likely to be
exposed to the pheromones-biological chemicals that convey sexual information
between persons-of unrelated males. He also finds that girls who are exposed to
the presence of a mother's boyfriend or a stepfather reach puberty at an
earlier age than girls who are raised by unpartnered single mothers.37
There is clearly more research to be done in this area, but the data clearly
suggest that one reason marriage is so valuable is that it helps to bind a
child's biological parents to the child over the course of her life.
Sara McLanahan and Gary Sandefur,
sociologists at Princeton and Wisconsin respectively, sum up the reasons that
marriage matters for children in this way: "If we were asked to design a
system for making sure that children's basic needs were met, we would probably
come up with something quite similar to the two-parent ideal. Such a design, in
theory, would not only ensure that children had access to the time and money of
two adults, it also would provide a system of checks and balances that promoted
quality parenting. The fact that both parents have a biological
connection to the child would increase the likelihood that the parents would
identify with the child and be willing to sacrifice for that child, and it
would reduce the likelihood that either parent would abuse the child."38
Over the past few decades, we have experimented with various alternatives to
marriage, and the evidence is now clear: children raised in married, intact
families generally do better in every area of life than those raised in various
alternative family structures. Those who care about the well-being of
children-as every citizen should- should care about the health of modern
marriage.
The Well-being of Adults
While the most important benefits of
marriage redound to children, marriage also has significant benefits for the
adult men and women who enter into it. Both married men and women benefit
financially, emotionally, physically, and socially from marriage. However, we
must also note that there are often gender differences in the benefits of
marriage, and that the benefits of marriage for women are more sensitive to the
quality of marriage than are the benefits of marriage for men.
The financial advantages of marriage are
clear. Married men and women are more likely to accumulate wealth and to own a
home than unmarried adults, even compared to similarly situated cohabiting or
single adults.39
Married men earn between 10 and 40 percent more money than single men with
similar professional and educational backgrounds.40
Married women generally do not experience a marriage premium in their earnings,
but this is because most women combine marriage with motherhood, which tends to
depress women's earnings.41
The material benefits of marriage also extend to women from disadvantaged
backgrounds, who are much less likely to fall into poverty if they get and stay
married.42
In general, marriage allows couples to pool resources and share labor within
the household. The commitment associated with marriage provides couples with a
long-term outlook that allows them to invest together in housing and other
long-term assets.43
The norms of adult maturity associated with marriage encourage adults to spend
and save in a more responsible fashion.44
Marriage also promotes the physical and
emotional health of men and women. Married adults have longer lives, less
illness, greater happiness, and lower levels of depression and substance abuse
than cohabiting and single adults. Spouses are more likely to encourage their
partners to monitor their health and seek medical help if they are experiencing
an illness.45
The norms of adult maturity and fidelity associated with marriage encourage men
and women to avoid unhealthy or risky behaviors-from promiscuous sex to heavy
alcohol use.46
The increased wealth and economic stability that come from being married enable
married men and women to seek better medical care.47
The emotional support furnished by most marriages reduces stress, and the
stress hormones, that often cause ill health and mental illness.48
Men are particularly apt to experience marriage-related gains in their life
expectancy and overall health. Women also gain, but their marriage-related
health benefits depend more on the quality of their marriages: women in
low-quality marriages are more likely to experience health problems and
psychological distress than single women, while good marriages give women an
important psychological and physical boost.49
Marriage also plays a crucial role in
civilizing men. Married men are less likely to commit a crime, to be sexually
promiscuous or unfaithful to a longtime partner, or to drink to excess.50
They also attend church more often, spend more time with kin (and less time
with friends), and work longer hours.51
One study, for instance, showed that only four percent of married men had been
unfaithful in the past year-compared to 16 percent of cohabiting men and 37
percent of men in an ongoing sexual relationship with a woman.52
Longitudinal research by University of Virginia sociologist Steven Nock
suggests that these effects are not an artifact of selection but rather a
direct consequence of marriage. Nock tracked men over time as they transitioned
from singlehood to marriage and found that men's behaviors actually changed in
the wake of a marriage: after tying the knot, men worked harder, attended fewer
bars, increased their church attendance, and spent more time with family
members.53
For many men, marriage is a rite of passage that introduces them fully into an
adult world of responsibility and self-control.
But why does marriage play such a crucial
role in civilizing men-in making them harder workers, more faithful mates, and
more peaceable citizens? Part of the answer is sociological. The norms of
trust, fidelity, sacrifice, and providership associated with marriage give men
clear directions about how they should act toward their wives and
children-norms that are not clearly applicable to non-marital relationships. A
married man also gains status in the eyes of his wife, her family, their
friends, and the larger community when they signal their intentions and their
maturity by marrying.54
Most men seek to maintain their social status by abiding by society's norms; a
society that honors marriage will produce men who honor their wives and care
for their children.
Biology also matters. Research on men,
marriage, and testosterone finds that married men-especially married men with
children-have more modest levels of testosterone than do single men.
(Cohabiting men also have lower levels of testosterone than single men.)
Long-term, stable, procreative relationships moderate men's testosterone
levels.55
Judging by the literature on testosterone, this would-in turn-make men less
inclined to aggressive, promiscuous, and otherwise risky behavior.56
Of course, marriage also matters in unique
ways for women. When it comes to physical safety, married women are much less
likely to be victims of violent crimes. For instance, a 1994 Justice Department
report found that single and divorced women were more than four times more
likely to be the victims of a violent crime, compared to married women.57
Married women are also much less likely to be victimized by a partner than
women in a cohabiting or sexually intimate dating relationship. One study found
that 13 percent of cohabiting couples had arguments that got violent in the
past year, compared to 4 percent of married couples.58
Studies suggest that one reason women in nonmarital relationships are more
likely to be victimized is that these relationships have higher rates of
infidelity, and infidelity invites serious conflict between partners.59
For most women, therefore, marriage is a safe harbor.
It is not just marital status but the very
ideal of marriage that matters. Married persons who value marriage for its own
sake-who oppose cohabitation, who think that marriage is for life, and who
believe that it is best for children to be reared by a father and a mother as
husband and wife-are significantly more likely to experience high-quality
marriages, compared to married persons who are less committed to the
institution of marriage.60
Men and women with a normative commitment to the ideal of marriage are also
more likely to spend time with one another and to sacrifice for their
relationship.61
Other research indicates that such a commitment is particularly consequential
for men: that is, men's devotion to their wife depends more on their normative
commitment to the marriage ideal than does women's devotion to their husbands.62
Simply put, men and women who marry for life are more likely to experience a
happy marriage than men and women who marry "so long as they both shall
love."
What is clear is that marriage improves the
lives of those men and women who accept its obligations, especially those who
seek the economic, emotional, and health benefits of modern life. Perhaps some
modern men do not believe they need to be domesticated or do not wish to be
burdened with the duties of child-rearing; and perhaps some modern women do not
believe they need the security that a good marriage uniquely offers or fear that
family life will interfere with their careers. But the data suggest that such
desires can sometimes lead men and women astray, and that those who embrace
marriage live happier lives than those who seek a false freedom in
bachelorhood, cohabitation, or divorce.
The Public Consequences of Marital
Breakdown
The public consequences of the recent
retreat from marriage are substantial. As the evidence shows, marital breakdown
reduces the collective welfare of our children, strains our justice system,
weakens civil society, and increases the size and scope of governmental power.
The numbers are indeed staggering. Every
year in the United States, more than one million children see their parents
divorce and 1.5 million children are born to unmarried mothers. The collective
consequences of this family breakdown have been catastrophic, as demonstrated
by myriad indicators of social well-being. Take child poverty. One recent
Brookings survey indicates that the increase in child poverty in the U.S. since
the 1970s is due almost entirely to declines in the percentage of children
reared in married families, primarily because children in single-parent homes
are much less likely to receive much material support from their fathers.63
Or take adolescent well-being. Penn State
sociologist Paul Amato estimated how adolescents would fare if our society had
the same percentage of two-parent biological families as it did in 1960. His
research indicates that this nation's adolescents would have 1.2 million fewer
school suspensions, 1 million fewer acts of delinquency or violence, 746,587
fewer repeated grades, and 71,413 fewer suicides.64
Similar estimates could be done for the collective effect of family breakdown
on teen pregnancy, depression, and high school dropout rates. The bottom line
is this: children have paid a heavy price for adult failures to get and stay
married.
Public safety and our justice system have
also been affected by the retreat from marriage. Even though crime rates have
fallen in recent years, the percentage of the population in jail has continued
to rise-from .9 percent of the population in 1980 to 2.4 percent in 2003, which
amounts to more than 2 million men and women.65
Public expenditures on criminal justice-police, courts, and prisons-rose more
than 350 percent in the last 20 years, from $36 billion in 1982 to $167 billion
in 2001.66
Empirical research on family and crime strongly suggests that crime is driven
in part by the breakdown of marriage. George Akerlof, a Nobel laureate in
economics, argues that the crime increase in the 1970s and 1980s was linked to
declines in the marriage rate among young working-class and poor men.67
Harvard sociologist Robert Sampson concludes from his research on urban crime
that murder and robbery rates are closely linked to family structure. In his
words: "Family structure is one of the strongest, if not the strongest, predictor
of variations in urban violence across cities in the United States."68
The close empirical connection between family breakdown and crime suggests that
increased spending on crime-fighting, imprisonment, and criminal justice in the
United States over the last 40 years is largely the direct or indirect
consequence of marital breakdown.
Public spending on social services has also
risen dramatically since the 1960s, in large part because of increases in
divorce and illegitimacy. Estimates vary regarding the costs to the taxpayer of
family breakdown, but they clearly run into the many billions of dollars. One
Brookings study found that the retreat from marriage was associated with an
increase of $229 billion in welfare expenditures from 1970 to 1996.69
Another study found that local, state, and federal governments spend $33
billion per year on the direct and indirect costs of divorce-from family court
costs to child support enforcement to TANF and Medicaid.70
Increases in divorce also mean that family judges and child support enforcement
agencies play a deeply intrusive role in the lives of adults and children
affected by divorce, setting the terms for custody, child visitation, and child
support for more than a million adults and children every year. Clearly, when
the family fails to govern itself, government steps in to pick up the pieces.
The link between the size and scope of the
state and the health of marriage as an institution is made even more visible by
looking at trends outside the United States. Countries with high rates of
illegitimacy and divorce-such as Sweden and Denmark-spend much more money on
welfare expenditures, as a percentage of their GDP, than countries with
relatively low rates of illegitimacy and divorce-such as Spain and Japan.71
Although there has been no definitive comparative research on state
expenditures and family structure, and other factors-such as religion and
political culture-may confound this relationship, the correlation between the
two is suggestive. Of course, we also suspect that the relationship between
state size and family breakdown runs both ways. For instance, earlier research
on Scandinavian countries by sociologists David Popenoe and Alan Wolfe suggests
that increases in state spending are associated with declines in the strength
of marriage and family.72
Taken together, the retreat from marriage seems to go hand in hand with more
expensive and more intrusive government; family breakdown goes hand in hand
with growing hardship in disadvantaged communities, making the call for still
more government intervention even more irresistible. It is a pathological spiral,
one that only a restoration of marriage can hope to reverse.
Four Threats to Marriage
Until forty years ago, marriage governed
sex, procreation, and childrearing for the vast majority of adults. In recent
years, marriage's hold on these three domains of social life has weakened, with
serious negative consequences for society as a whole. Four developments-the sad
effect of decoupling marriage, sex, procreation, and childbearing-are
especially troubling: divorce, illegitimacy, cohabitation, and same-sex marriage.
Divorce.
From 1960 to 2000, the divorce rate more than doubled in the United States-from
about 20 percent to about 45 percent of all first marriages. (Note: the divorce
rate has declined modestly since 1980.) The data suggests that approximately two-thirds
of all divorces involving children break up low-conflict marriages where
domestic violence or emotional abuse is not a factor in the divorce.73
Unfortunately, these children seem to bear the heaviest burden from the divorce
of their parents.74
Children from broken homes are significantly more likely to divorce as adults,
to experience marital problems, to suffer from mental illness and delinquency,
to drop out of high school, to have poor relationships with one or both
parents, and to have difficulty committing themselves to a relationship.75
Furthermore, in most respects, remarriage is no help to children of divorce.
Children who grow up in stepfamilies experience about the same levels of
educational failure, teenage pregnancy, and criminal activity as children who
remain in a single-parent family after a divorce.76
Divorce is also associated with poverty,
depression, substance abuse, and poor health among adults.77
More broadly, widespread divorce poisons the larger culture of marriage,
insofar as it sows distrust, insecurity, and a low-commitment mentality among
married and unmarried adults.78
Couples who take a permissive view of divorce are significantly less likely to
invest themselves in their marriages and less likely to be happily married
themselves.79
For all these reasons, divorce threatens marriage, hurts children, and has had
dire consequences for the nation as a whole.
Illegitimacy
(non-marital child bearing). From 1960 to 2003, the percentage of children born
out of wedlock rose from 5 to 35 percent.80
Although growing numbers of children born out of wedlock are born into
cohabiting unions-42 percent according to one recent estimate-most children
born outside of marriage will spend the majority of their childhood in a single
parent home, in part because the vast majority of cohabiting unions-even ones
involving children-end in dissolution.81
The biggest problem with illegitimacy is that it typically denies children the
opportunity to have two parents who are committed daily to their emotional and
material welfare.82
As noted above, children raised in single-parent families without the benefit
of a married mother and father are two to three times more likely to experience
serious negative life outcomes such as imprisonment, depression, teenage
pregnancy, and high school failure, compared to children from intact, married
families-even after controlling for socioeconomic factors that might distort
the relationship between family structure and child well-being.83
Nonmarital childbearing also has negative
consequences for men and women. Women who bear children outside of marriage are
significantly more likely to experience poverty, to drop out of high school,
and to have difficulty finding a good marriage partner, even when compared to
women from similar socioeconomic backgrounds.84
Men who father children outside of marriage are significantly more likely to
experience educational failure, to earn less, and to have difficulty finding a
good marriage partner, even after controlling for socioeconomic factors.85
Taken together, the rise of illegitimacy has been disastrous for children and
adults, men and women, individuals and society.
Cohabitation. Since the early 1970s, cohabitation has increased more than
nine-fold in the United States, from 523,000 couples in 1970 to five million
couples in 2004.86
Recent estimates suggest that 40 percent of children will spend some time
growing up with one or both parents in a cohabiting union.87
The growth of cohabitation in the U.S. is an unwelcome development. Adults in
cohabiting unions face higher rates of domestic violence, sexual infidelity,
and instability, compared to couples in marital unions.88
Most studies find that cohabiting couples who go on to marry also face a higher
risk of divorce, compared to couples who marry without cohabiting (although the
risk of divorce for couples who only cohabit after an engagement does not
appear to be higher than for married couples who did not cohabit).89
Cohabiting unions are typically weaker than marriages, and appear more likely
to lead to poor relationship outcomes. Cohabitation does not entail the same
level of moral and legal commitment as marriage; couples often do not agree
about the status of their relationship; and cohabiting couples do not receive
as much social support from friends and family for their relationship as do
married couples.90
Cohabiting unions are particularly risky
for children. Children reared by cohabiting couples are more likely to engage in
delinquent behavior, to be suspended from school, and to cheat in school,
compared to children reared by a married mother and father.91
Children cohabiting with an unrelated adult male face dramatically higher risks
of sexual or physical abuse, compared to children in intact, married families.
For instance, one Missouri study found that preschool children living in
households with unrelated adults (typically a mother's boyfriend) were nearly
50 times more likely to be killed than were children living with both
biological parents.92
Children also suffer from the instability associated with cohabiting unions.
Even when children are born into cohabiting households headed by both their
biological parents, they are likely to see one of their parents depart from the
relationship. One recent study found that 50 percent of children born to
cohabiting couples see their parents break up by their fifth year, compared to
just 15 percent of children born to a marital union.93
For all these reasons, cohabiting unions are not a good alternative to marriage
but a threat to marriage, and they surely do not provide a good environment for
the rearing of children.
Same-Sex Marriage. Although the social scientific research on same-sex marriage is in
its infancy, there are a number of reasons to be concerned about the
consequences of redefining marriage to include same-sex relationships. First,
no one can definitively say at this point how children are affected by being
reared by same-sex couples. The current research on children reared by same-sex
couples is inconclusive and underdeveloped-we do not yet have any large,
long-term, longitudinal studies that can tell us much about how children are
affected by being raised in a same-sex household.94
Yet the larger empirical literature on child well-being suggests that the two
sexes bring different talents to the parenting enterprise, and that children
benefit from growing up with both their biological parents. This strongly
suggests that children reared by same-sex parents will experience greater
difficulties with their identity, sexuality, attachments to kin, and marital
prospects as adults, among other things. But until more research is available,
the jury is still out.
Yet there remain even deeper concerns about
the institutional consequences of same-sex marriage for marriage itself.
Same-sex marriage would further undercut the idea that procreation is intrinsically
connected to marriage. It would undermine the idea that children need both a
mother and a father, further weakening the societal norm that men should take
responsibility for the children they beget. Finally, same-sex marriage would
likely corrode marital norms of sexual fidelity, since gay marriage advocates
and gay couples tend to downplay the importance of sexual fidelity in their
definition of marriage. Surveys of men entering same-sex civil unions in
Vermont indicate that 50 percent of them do not value sexual fidelity, and
rates of sexual promiscuity are high among gay men.95
For instance, Judith Stacey, professor of sociology at New York University and
a leading advocate of gay marriage, hopes that same-sex marriage will promote a
"pluralist expansion of the meaning, practice, and politics of family life
in the United States" where "perhaps some might dare to question the
dyadic limitations of Western marriage and seek some of the benefits of extended
family life through small group marriages..."96
Our concerns are only reinforced by the
legalization of same-sex marriage in Belgium, Canada, the Netherlands, and
Spain-and its legalization in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Same-sex marriage
has taken hold in societies or regions with low rates of marriage and/or
fertility.97
For instance, Belgium, Canada, Massachusetts, the Netherlands, and Spain all
have fertility rates well below the replacement level of 2.1 children per
woman.98
These are societies in which child-centered marriage has ceased to be the
organizing principle of adult life. Seen in this light, same-sex marriage is
both a consequence of and further stimulus to the abolition of marriage as the
preferred vehicle for ordering sex, procreation, and childrearing in the West.
While there are surely many unknowns, what we do know suggests that embracing
same-sex marriage would further weaken marriage itself at the very moment when
it needs to be most strengthened.
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Section III Next:
Section IV Back
to Contents
The empirical evidence in support of
marriage is clear. When it comes to the myriad goods of modern social
life-economic well-being, safety and security, personal happiness, flourishing
community, limited government-marriage is a boon to adults and especially
children. But the rational defense of marriage need not be based solely in data
about its utility, and those who choose to marry are not usually motivated,
first and foremost, by any utilitarian calculus. Only when marriage is valued
as good in itself, and not simply as a means to other good ends, will children,
adults, and societies reap its profound benefits. This requires defenders of
marriage-teachers, poets, religious leaders, parents and grandparents, role
models of every kind-to describe and defend why marriage is a choiceworthy way
of life in terms that resonate with lived human experience. Some moral
philosophers have engaged in extended reflection on the nature of marriage as a
profound human good, seeking by precise analysis to better understand what most
people accept as a matter of commonsense. Not all signatories to this statement
accept this natural law approach or perspective, but we include it here
since it represents a view that some thoughtful supporters of marriage find
compelling.
Marriage offers men and women as spouses a
good they can have in no other way: a mutual and complete giving of the self.
This act of reciprocal self-giving is made solemn in a covenant of fidelity-a
vow to stand by one another as husband and wife amid life's joys and sorrows,
and to raise the children that may come as the fruit of this personal, sexual,
and familial union. Marriage binds two individuals together for life, and binds
them jointly to the next generation that will follow in their footsteps.
Marriage elevates, orders, and at times constrains our natural desires to the
higher moral end of fidelity and care.
The marriage vow by its nature includes
permanence and exclusivity: a couple would lose the very good of the union they
seek if they saw their marriage as temporary, or as open to similar sharing
with others. What exactly would a temporary promise to love mean? Would it not
reduce one's spouse to a source of pleasure for oneself, to be desired and kept
only so long as one's own desires are fulfilled? By weakening the permanence of
marriage, the contemporary culture of divorce undermines the act of self-giving
that is the foundation of marriage. The marriage vow, seen as binding, is meant
to secure some measure of certainty in the face of life's many unknowns-the
certainty that this unknown future will be faced together until death
separates. At the same time, marriage looks beyond the married couple
themselves to their potential offspring, who secure the future from this generation
to the next.
Marriage is thus by its nature sexual. It
gives a unique unitive and procreative meaning to the sexual drive,
distinguishing marriage from other close bonds. The emotional, spiritual, and
psychological closeness of a married couple is realized in the unique
biological unity that occurs between a man and a woman united as husband and
wife in sexual intercourse. In marital sexual union, the love of husband and
wife is given concrete embodiment. Our bodies are not mere instruments. Our sexual
selves are not mere genitalia. Male and female are made to relate to and
complete one another, to find unity in complementarity and complementarity in
sexual difference. The same sexual act that unites the spouses is also the act
that creates new life. Sharing of lives is, in sex, also a potential sharing of
life. In procreation, marital love finds its highest realization and
expression. In the family, children find the safety, security, and support they
need to reach their full potential, grounded in a public, prior commitment of
mother and father to become one family together.
This deeper understanding of marriage is
not narrowly religious. It is the articulation of certain universal truths
about human experience, an account of the potential elevation of human nature
in marriage that all human beings can rationally grasp. Many secular-minded
couples desire these extraordinary things from marriage: a permanent and
exclusive bond of love that unites men and women to each other and to their
children.
But marriage cannot survive or flourish
when the ideal of marriage is eviscerated. Radically different understandings
of marriage, when given legal status, threaten to create a culture in which it
is no longer possible for men and women to understand the unique goods that
marriage embodies: the fidelity between men and women, united as potential
mothers and fathers, bound to the children that the marital union might
produce. Maintaining a culture that endorses the good of marriage is essential
to ensuring that marriage serves the common good. And in a free society such as
our own, a strong marriage culture also fosters liberty by encouraging adults
to govern their own lives and rear their children responsibly.As honest
advocates of same-sex marriage have conceded, to abandon the conjugal
conception of marriage - the idea of marriage as a union of sexually
complementary spouses - eliminates any ground of principle for limiting the
number of partners in a marriage to two. It would open the door to legalizing
polygamy and polyamory (group marriage), and produce a culture in which
marriage loses its significance and standing, with disastrous results for
children begotten and reared in a world of post-marital chaos.
The law has a crucial place in sustaining
this deeper understanding of marriage and its myriad human goods. The law is a
teacher, instructing the young either that marriage is a reality in which
people can choose to participate but whose contours individuals cannot remake
at will, or teaching the young that marriage is a mere convention, so malleable
that individuals, couples, or groups can choose to make of it whatever suits
their desires, interests, or subjective goals of the moment.Even as we defend
the good of marriage as a way of life for individual men and women, therefore,
we cannot ignore the culture and polity that sustain that way of life. Oxford
University philosopher Joseph Raz, a self-described liberal, is rightly
critical of those forms of liberalism which suppose that law and government can
and should be neutral with respect to competing conceptions of moral goodness.
As he put it:
Monogamy, assuming that it is the only
valuable form of marriage, cannot be practiced by an individual. It requires a
culture which recognizes it, and which supports it through the public's
attitude and through its formal institutions.99
Professor Raz's point is that if monogamy
is indeed a key element in a sound understanding of marriage, this ideal needs
to be preserved and promoted in law and in policy. The marriage culture cannot
flourish in a society whose primary institutions-universities, courts,
legislatures, religious institutions-not only fail to defend marriage but
actually undermine it both conceptually and in practice. The young will never
learn what it means to get married and stay married, to live in fidelity to the
spouse they choose and the children they must care for, if the social world in
which they come of age treats marriage as fungible or insignificant.
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Section IV Next:
Signatories Back
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When it comes to family life, the great
paradox of our time is this: Every society (including our own) that we think is
generally best for human flourishing-stable, democratic, developed, and free-is
experiencing a radical crisis around human generativity: enormous increases in
family fragmentation and fatherlessness, usually coupled with the collapse of
fertility to levels which, if continued, spell demographic and social decline.
Suddenly, developed nations are finding themselves unable to accomplish the
great, simple task that every human society must do: bring young men and women
together to marry and raise the next generation together.
The United States has in some ways been the
leader in this retreat from marriage, but in other ways (especially in recent
years) has shown signs of unusual, renewed vitality. We are the only Western
nation we know of with a "marriage movement."100
We are the only large developed nation to experience a sustained rise in
fertility back to near-replacement levels.
The great task for American exceptionalism
in our generation is to sustain and energize this movement for the renewal of
marriage. We need to transmit a stronger, healthier, and more loving marriage
culture to the next generation, so that each year more children are raised by
their own mother and father united by a loving marriage, and so those children
can grow up to have flourishing marriages themselves.
Creating such a marriage culture is not the
job for government. Families, religious communities, and civic
institutions-along with intellectual, moral, religious, and artistic
leaders-need to point the way. But law and public policy will either reinforce
and support these goals or undermine them. We call upon our nation's leaders,
and our fellow citizens, to support public policies that strengthen marriage as
a social institution. This nation must re-establish the normative understanding
of marriage as the union of a man and a woman, intended for life, welcoming and
raising together those children who are the fruit of their self-giving love,
children who might aspire to marry and raise children of their own, renewing
the lifecycle and extending the family tree from generation to generation.
In particular, we single out five areas for special attention:
1. Protect the public understanding of marriage as
the union of one man with one woman as husband and wife.
The law's understanding of marriage is
powerful. Judges should not attempt to redefine marriage by imposing a new
legal standard of what marriage means, or falsely declaring that our historic
understanding of marriage as the union of one man and one woman is rooted in
animus or unreason. Nor should the law send a false message to the next
generation that marriage itself is irrelevant or secondary, by extending
marriage benefits to couples or individuals who are not married.
a
Resist legislative attempts to
create same-sex marriage; use legislative mechanisms to protect the institution
of marriage as a union of a male and a female as
sexually complementary spouses. We urge our elected officials to support
legislation that will properly define and promote a true conception of
marriage. Likewise, we call on our elected representatives to vote against any
bills that would deviate from this understanding of marriage. (We do not object
to two or more persons, whether related or not, entering into legal contracts
to own property together, share insurance, make medical decisions for one
another, and so on.)
b
End the court-created drive to
create and impose same-sex marriage. We call on
courts directly to protect our understanding of marriage as the union of
husband and wife. Radical judicial experiments that coercively alter the
meaning of marriage are bound to make creating and sustaining a marriage
culture more difficult, especially when such actions are manifestly against the
will of the American people.
c
Refuse to extend marital legal
status to cohabiting couples. Powerful intellectual
institutions in family law, including the American Law Institute, have proposed
that America follow the path of many European nations and Canada in easing or
erasing the legal distinction between marriage and cohabitation. But we believe
it is unjust as well as unwise to either (a) impose marital obligations on
people who have not consented to them or (b) extend marital benefits to couples
who are not married.
2. Investigate divorce law reforms.
Under America's current divorce system,
courts today provide less protection for the marriage contract than they do for
an ordinary business contract. Some of us support a return to a fault-based
divorce system, others of us do not. But all of us recognize that the current
system is a failure in both practical and moral terms and deeply in need of
reform. We call for renewed efforts to discover ways that law can strengthen
marriage and reduce unnecessarily high rates of divorce. We affirm that
protecting women and children from domestic violence is a critically important
goal. But because both children and adults in non-marital unions are at vastly
increased risk for both domestic violence and abuse, encouraging high rates of
family fragmentation is not a good strategy for protecting women from violent
men, or children from abusive homes.Among the proposals we consider worthy of
more consideration:
a
Extend waiting periods for
unilateral no-fault divorce. Require couples in
nonviolent marriages to attend (religious, secular, or public) counseling
designed to resolve their differences and renew their marital vows.
b
Permit the creation of prenuptial
covenants that restrict divorce for couples who seek
more extensive marriage commitments than current law allows. (The enforcement
by secular courts of Orthodox Jewish marriage contracts may provide a useful
model).
c
Expand court-connected divorce
education programs to include divorce interventions
(such as PAIRS or Retrouvaille) that help facilitate reconciliations as well as
reducing acrimony and litigation.
d
Apply standards of fault to the
distribution of property, where consistent with the best interests of children. Spouses who are abusive or unfaithful should not share marital
property equally with innocent spouses.
e
Create pilot programs on marriage
education and divorce interventions in high-risk communities, using both faith-based and secular programs; track program
effectiveness to establish 'best practices' that could be replicated elsewhere.
3. End marriage penalties for low-income
Americans.
To address the growing racial and class
divisions in marriage, federal and state governments ought to act quickly to
eliminate the marriage penalties embedded in means-tested welfare and tax
policies-such as the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) and Medicaid-that affect
couples with low and moderate incomes.101
It is unconscionable that government levies substantial financial penalties on
low income parents who marry.Other approaches to strengthening marriage for
couples and communities at risk include public information campaigns, marriage
education programs, and jobs programs for low-income couples who wish to get
and stay married. Experimenting with such new initiatives allows scholars to
determine which measures are best suited to the task at hand.102
4. Protect and expand pro-child and pro-family
provisions in our tax code.
5. Protect the interests of children from the
fertility industry.
Treating the making of babies as a business
like any other is fundamentally inconsistent with the dignity of human persons
and the fundamental needs of children. Among the proposals we urge Americans to
consider, following in the footsteps of countries like Italy and Sweden:
a
Ban the use of anonymous sperm and egg
donation for all adults. Children have a right to know their biological
origins. Adults have no right to strip children of this knowledge to satisfy
their own desires for a family.
b
Consider restricting reproductive
technologies to married couples.
c
Refuse to create legally fatherless
children. Require men who are sperm donors (and/or clinics as their surrogates)
to retain legal and financial responsibility for any children they create who
lack a legal father.
The most important changes underwriting the
current U.S. fertility industry are not technological; rather they are social
and legal. Both law and culture have stressed the interests of adults to the exclusion
of the needs and interests of children. Parents seeking children deserve our
sympathy and support. But we ought not, in doing so, deliberately create an
entire class of children who are deprived of their natural human right to know
their own origins and their profound need for devoted mothers and fathers.
In sum, families, religious communities,
community organizations, and public policymakers must work together towards a
great goal: strengthening marriage so that each year more children are raised
by their own mother and father in loving, lasting marital unions. The future of
the American experiment depends on it. And our children deserve nothing less.
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Signatories Back
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Signatories
- [June 9th 2006]
Helen Alvare, J.D.
Associate Professor of Law, Catholic University Columbus School of Law
M. Sophia Aguirre, Ph.D.
Associate Professor of Economics, Catholic University of America
Hadley Arkes, Ph.D.
Ney Professor of American Institutions and Jurisprudence, Amherst College
Herman Belz, Ph.D.
Professor of Constitutional History, University of Maryland at College Park
Louis Bolce, Ph.D.
Associate Professor of Political Science, Baruch College
Gerard Bradley, J.D.
Professor of Law, Notre Dame Law School
Patrick Brennan, M.A., J.D.
Professor of Law and John F. Scarpa Chair in Catholic Legal Studies, Villanova
University School of Law
J. Budziszewski, Ph.D.
Professor of Government and Philosophy, University of Texas at Austin
James W. Ceaser, Ph.D.
Professor of Politics, University of Virginia
Daniel Cere, Ph.D.
Director, Institute for the Study of Marriage, Law and Culture, McGill
University
Lloyd R. Cohen, Ph.D., J.D.
Professor of Law, George Mason University School of Law
Frederick C. DeCoste, M.S.W., L.L.B., L.L.M
Professor of Law, University of Alberta Faculty of Law
David Eggebeen, Ph.D.
Associate Professor of Human Development and Sociology, Penn State University
Jean Bethke Elshtain, Ph.D.
Laura Spelman Rockefeller Professor of Social and Political Ethics, University
of Chicago
Michael O. Emerson, Ph.D.
Allyn R. and Gladys M. Cline Professor of Sociology and Founding Director of
the Center on Race, Religion, and Urban Life, Rice University
Gene C. Fant, Jr., Ph.D.
Chair, Department of English, Union University
Thomas E. Flanagan, Ph.D.
Professor of Political Science, University of Calgary
David F. Forte, Ph.D., J.D.
Charles R. Emrick Jr.-Calfee, Halter & Griswold Endowed Professor of Law,
Cleveland-Marshall College of Law
Elizabeth Fox-Geneovese, Ph.D.
Eléonore Raoul Professor of the Humanities and Professor of History at Emory
University
Alfred J. Freddoso, Ph.D.
John and Jean Oesterle Professor of Thomistic Studies, University of Notre Dame
Jorge L.A. Garcia, Ph.D.
Professor of Philosophy, Boston College
Robert P. George, J.D., D.Phil.
McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence, Princeton University
Mary Ann Glendon, J.D., L.L.M.
Learned Hand Professor of Law, Harvard Law School
Alfonso Gomez-Lobo, Ph.D.
Ryan Family Professor of Metaphysics and Moral Philosophy, Georgetown
University
Lino A. Graglia, L.L.B.
A. Dalton Cross Professor of Law, University of Texas at Austin
Earl L. Grinols, Ph.D.
Distinguished Professor of Economics, Hankamer School of Business, Baylor
University
Anne Hendershott, Ph.D.
Professor of Sociology and Director of Urban Studies, University of San Diego
Joseph Horn, Ph.D.
Professor of Psychology, University of Texas at Austin
Robert Jenson, Ph.D.
Senior Scholar for Research, Emeritus, Center for Theological Inquiry,
Princeton, N.J., and Professor of Theology Emeritus, St. Olaf College
Byron Johnson, Ph.D.
Professor of Sociology, Director, Center for Religious Inquiry across the Disciplines,
Baylor University
Leon R. Kass, M.D., Ph.D.
Addie Clark Harding Professor in the Committee on Social Thought and the
College, University of Chicago
Robert C. Koons, Ph.D.
Professor of Philosophy, University of Texas at Austin
Peter Augustine Lawler, Ph.D.
Dana Professor and Chair of the Government Department and International
Studies, Berry College
Paul R. McHugh, M.D.
University Distinguished Service Professor of Psychiatry, Johns Hopkins
University School of Medicine
Ralph McInerny, Ph.D.
Professor of Philosophy and Michael P. Grace Professor of Medieval Studies
Director of the Jacques Maritain Center at the University of Notre Dame
Bruce M. Metzger, Ph.D.
George L. Collord Professor Emeritus of New Testament Language and Literature,
Princeton Theological Seminary
Robert T. Miller, J.D., M.Phil.
Assistant Professor of Law, Villanova University School of Law
Russell K. Nieli, Ph.D.
Lecturer, Department of Politics, Princeton University
Steven Nock, Ph.D.
Professor of Sociology and Director of the Marriage Matters Project, University
of Virginia
David Novak, M.H.L., Ph.D.
J. Richard and Dorothy Shiff Professor of Jewish Studies, University of Toronto
Marvin Olasky, Ph.D.
Professor of Journalism, University of Texas at Austin
Michael Pakaluk, Ph.D.
Associate Professor of Philosophy, Clark University
Alexander R. Pruss, Ph.D.
Associate Professor of Philosophy, Georgetown University
Jeremy Rabkin, Ph.D.
Professor of Government, Cornell University
Steven E. Rhoads, Ph.D.
Professor of Politics, University of Virginia
Daniel N. Robinson, Ph.D.
Philosophy Faculty, Oxford University
Distinguished Research Professor of Psychology, Emeritus, Georgetown University
Michael A. Scaperlanda, J.D.
Professor of Law and Gene and Elaine Edwards Family Chair in Law, The
University of Oklahoma College of Law
Roger Scruton, Ph.D.
Research Professor, Institute for the Psychological Sciences
Gregory Sisk, J.D.
Professor of Law, University of St. Thomas School of Law, Minnesota
Katherine Shaw Spaht, J.D.
Jules F. and Frances L. Landry Professor of Law, Louisiana State University Law
Center
Max L. Stackhouse, Ph.D.
Rimmer and Ruth de Vries Professor of Reformed Theology and Public Life,
Princeton Theological Seminary
Richard Stith, J.D., Ph.D.
Professor of Law, Valparaiso University School of Law
James R. Stoner, Jr., Ph.D.
Professor of Political Science, Louisiana State University
Christopher O. Tollefsen, Ph.D.
Associate Professor of Philosophy, University of South Carolina
Michael Uhlmann, J.D., Ph.D.
Research Professor in Politics and Policy, Claremont Graduate University
Paul C. Vitz, Ph.D.
Senior Scholar, Institute for the Psychological Sciences
Professor Emeritus of Psychology, New York University
Lynn D. Wardle, J.D.
Bruce C. Hafen Professor of Law, Brigham Young University
Amy Wax, J.D., M.D.
Robert Mundheim Professor of Law, University of Pennsylvania Law School
James Q. Wilson, Ph.D.
Ronald Reagan Professor of Public Policy, Pepperdine University
Christopher Wolfe, Ph.D.
Professor of Political Science, Marquette University
Peter Wood, Ph.D.
Provost and Professor of Anthropology and the Humanities, The King's College
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References Back
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Reference
Notes
1
Steven L. Nock. 2005. "Marriage
as a Public Issue." The Future of Children15: 13-32.
2
W. Bradford Wilcox et al. 2005. Why
Marriage Matters, Second Edition: Twenty-Six Conclusions from the Social
Sciences. New York: Institute for American Values. Lorraine Blackman, Obie
Clayton, Norval Glenn, Linda Malone-Colon, and Alex Roberts. 2005. The
Consequences of Marriage for African Americans: A Comprehensive Literature
Review. New York: Institute for American Values.
3
David Popenoe. 1988. Disturbing the
Nest: Family Change and Decline in Modern Societies. Aldine de Gruyter. Alan
Wolfe. 1989. Whose Keeper? Social Science and Moral Obligation. Berkeley:
University of California Press.
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